Kazakhstan
Kazakh Opposition Seeks Real Political Power
Nikola Krastev
Kazakhstan's political opposition has long been an inspiration for
other Central Asian opposition movements. Major Kazakh opposition groups are financially
self-sufficient and less repressed than those in other Central Asian states. But now, the
Kazakh opposition is hungry for real political power. Some of their leaders are known as
"young wolves" -- former officials and managers under the age of 40 were brought
up under President Nursultan Nazarbaev's wings. Discontent with Nazarbaev's authoritative
policies and disillusioned by apparently fraudulent parliamentary elections in October,
these young leaders are positioning themselves for the 2006 presidential elections. In the
second of a two-part series on opposition groups in Central Asia, RFE/RL looks at
Kazakhstan.
New York, 25 November 2004 (RFE/RL) -- In size and natural riches,
Kazakhstan has no rivals in Central Asia. The huge, oil-rich country also stands apart by
the health of its political opposition movement.
At a recent conference at New York's Columbia University, opposition
experts from Central Asia repeatedly noted that Kazakhstan's opposition is organized
better and enjoys more financial autonomy than movements elsewhere in the region.
And the movement now appears intent on gaining real political power.
Amirzhan Kossanov, chairman of the Executive Committee of the
Republican National Party of Kazakhstan, tells RFE/RL that various Kazakh political
movements are already in advanced stages of negotiations to select a unified opposition
candidate to run in presidential elections scheduled for 2006.
"The self-sufficiency of the Kazakhstan opposition makes it a
threat for the government. There are negotiations right before the presidential elections
about a unified opposition candidate. The Kazakhstan regime is confused because it knows
it's not popular among the people. They realize that free and just elections are a death
sentence for them," Kossanov says.
"The Kazakhstan regime is confused because it knows it's not
popular among the people. They realize that free and just elections are a death sentence
for them."
Kossanov adds that there is also a healthy democratic competition among
leaders of different opposition movements.
Arkady Dubnov, an analyst for the Moscow daily "Vremya
Novostey," has spoken on numerous occasions with Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbaev
as well as with the leading figures of the country's opposition.
Financially Stable
Dubnov tells RFE/RL that after achieving a certain level of
independence, the Kazakh economic elite is now hungry for political power.
Precisely because many of their leaders are now wealthy, these new
opposition movements do not need financial assistance from abroad, unlike in other Central
Asian countries.
"The opposition in Kazakhstan today is first of all represented in
parties like Ak Zhol. These are the young wolves bred and nurtured within Nazarbaev's
regime. Now, they are demanding their piece of political power. They have already gotten
their economic strength, but now they are determined to assert their interests on a
legitimate political level," Dubnov says.
Dubnov says the new Kazakh parties can support themselves without any
dependence on grants from abroad and they have already achieved significant political
influence.
The Kazakh opposition movement received another boost this week when
former parliament speaker Zharmakhan Tuyakbai announced that he is joining the Coalition
of Democratic Forces. That grouping unites the major opposition groups such as Ak Zhol,
Democratic Choice for Kazakhstan, and Communist parties.
Tuyakbai said his decision was prompted by disagreement with recent
presidential policies. But he is not the only high-level official to have recently joined
the opposition.
Akezhan Kazhegeldin, who was former prime minister from 1994 to 1997,
wrote an open letter to the country's opposition movements in October, appealing for a
unified platform to take on Nazarbaev in the 2006 elections.
Kossanov of the Republican National Party tells RFE/RL that the average
Kazakh citizen now sees the opposition as a legitimate alternative to Nazarbaev. And that,
he says, is another factor distinguishing the country form its neighbors.
"The uniqueness of the Kazakh opposition is that it is joined by
people who were part of the governing elite: [Akezhan] Kazhegeldin, the former prime
minister, current leaders of Ak Zhol opposition party were in leading positions in
Nazarbaev's government. These are people who are familiar with the decision making process
of the current government, they know how to influence and to make an impact in the power
structures from the outside," Kossanov says.
But they still have to contend with Nazarbaev, who controls the key
levers of power. And Kossanov says the president, in Soviet fashion, is widely believed to
keep a file of compromising information about all high-level officials.
"Everybody in Kazakhstan knows that President Nazarbaev does not
appoint anyone in an influential position without having compromising information
[kompromat] on the appointee. Everybody knows that; it is an unwritten rule of his
personnel policy. We can't find angels who would now lead the opposition, various
democratic parties. We have all been nurtured in this system," Kossanov says.
Kossanov adds that Kazakhstan is unlikely to see a scenario such as
last year in Georgia, where an unpopular president stepped down to avoid bloodshed.
For his part, analyst Dubnov says Nazarbaev is concerned about the
growing strength of the new opposition. He says that following Russian President Vladimir
Putin's with the Yukos oil company, the Kazakh leader is now trying to put the economic
brakes on his rivals' expansion and thirst for political strength.
RFE/RL, November 25, 2004
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