International Eurasian Institute for Economic and Political Research

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OSCE

Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights
REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN
PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS
10 and 24 OCTOBER 1999
FINAL REPORT

01_210_report.GIF (4189 bytes)

5 ELECTION DAY

5.1 Observations of the first round, 10 October
Presence of Observers

Ultimately, the Central Election Commission announced that over 22,000 international and domestic observers had been accredited to monitor the elections. The EOM encountered party and candidate observers in approximately 90% of the polling stations visited and “non-partisan” observers in 76% of those polling stations.

The accreditation of over 2,500 non-partisan domestic observers by District Election Commissions throughout Kazakhstan represented a significant development in citizen ownership of the electoral process. However, international observers tended to have more liberal access to the proceedings than their Kazakhstani counterparts.

However, many domestic observers were from organizations assigned to polling stations by the local authorities themselves. When interviewed, many observers confessed that they were just “told to come,” and had no training or guidance as to what they were to do when they got there. Others belonging to organizations such as associations of pensioners or retired military admitted that they had been instructed to come to “represent” a particular candidate. This last group may have been a solution to a conflicting provision of law that permits each candidate only a maximum of seven representatives.(Article 91, Constitutional Law on Elections, Republic of Kazakhstan) When candidates complained that they could not have an observer at every polling station with only seven representatives, advice from the Central Election Commission was that they should “rely on public associations” which are entitled to have an observer at every polling station.

Observation of Polling Activity

The first round of voting took place in roughly 9,600 polling stations from 07:00 to 20:00. One hundred and eighteen international observers, including 18 parliamentarians from the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, reported findings from their visits to 574 polling stations at which approximately one million voters, or about 13% of the total of 8,411,757 were registered to vote. Polling stations were observed in 12 of the 14 oblasts of the Republic as well as in Almaty and Astana. No precincts were observed in West Kazakhstan or Mangistau Oblasts.

In general, the election day on 10 October took place in a calm and peaceful manner. Only in 3% of the polling stations visited by international observers were tensions, minor disturbances, or undue pressure on voters reported.

The general performance of election officials was considered good in 70% of the sites visited by international observers. However, election officials were rated significantly lower in a number of specific areas. In over half of the sites visited, mobile ballot boxes, a focus of concern for opposition parties prior to the election, could not be observed during periods when they were not in use. Nonetheless, except in occasional instances where the number of voters making use of the mobile ballot box were disproportionately high, procedures were generally found to be in compliance with more restrictive regulations introduced for these elections.

Observers noted a significant level of confusion among voters about the new election system and how to mark the ballots. Observers repeatedly saw voters asking the precinct election commission members for advice on filling out the ballots.

Proxy voting (Proxy voting: whereby a voter presents the passport of a family member or friend who is not present, and is allowed to vote on his or her behalf), while reduced, was still observed in 22% of the polling stations visited by observers. In 19% of the polling stations observed, the same person appeared to have signed next to the names of several voters on the voter lists.

Accountability for ballot usage partially depends on polling station officials signing each ballot at the time issued to each voter. In 51% of the polling sites visited, ballots were pre-signed or not signed at all, thus diminishing the effectiveness of this safeguard. Inconsistencies also were noted in adherence to rules for processing of voters, especially related to the use of the additional list for voters not found on the voter register. Only on rare occasions were voters required to present their Certificate of Right to Vote in order to be added to the list. The average number of voters added to the additional lists of polling stations observed was about 3% of the total number of voters for the precinct. However, observers encountered polling stations where the number of added voters neared 13%.

Finally, the adequacy and accuracy of voter lists also seemed to vary. The number of voters on some lists appeared to be inconsistent with the number of voters recorded at the District level.

Counting and Reporting of the Votes

Official protocols summarizing precinct (polling station) results were not always the ones reported to higher level commissions. Frequently, results were not entered on official protocol forms, or when protocols were prepared, these protocols were drafts and were completed in pencil. In a majority of precincts observed, commission members carried the results either to a separate room where the protocols were typed, or to the Akimat (local or regional administration) where someone else completed or otherwise “adjusted” the forms in the absence of observers. Often, Akims were reported to have instructed election commission members that certain candidates were expected to win. The EOM has copies of flagrantly falsified protocols.

In particular, one known case occurred in plain view of international observers in Almaty where forged protocols were uncovered reflecting different results for the same polling station. Since this extraordinary event took place in one of Kazakhstan’s largest constituencies, the case raises serious questions about the magnitude of the problem and the reliability of results recorded for this constituency. This incident was brought to the attention of authorities at the highest level. However, no action was taken, and no sanctions were imposed.

When protocols were delivered to District Election Commissions, the forms were further altered. In general, observers were denied the opportunity to witness the tabulation process at the district commission level. For one district, the EOM has evidence of candidates with the first and third (instead of the second) highest vote-counts having been qualified for the second round. In another case, the District Election Commission Chairman resigned and filed a complaint rather than follow the Akim’s instructions to falsify the results.

The Central Election Commission’s regulations designed to promote the accurate reporting of results were not followed uniformly at the precinct and district commission levels. In 50 percent of precincts observed, requirements calling for multiple copies of each precinct protocol to be prepared immediately upon completion of the counting of votes, and the display of one copy of these protocols at the precinct – both instrumental to reduce opportunities for falsification – were not followed.

Counting procedures were rated “high” in less than half of the polling stations visited. Among procedural infractions of a technical nature, in 27% of locations observed, officials failed to count and cancel unused ballots before the ballot boxes were opened. In over half of the locations, ballots from mobile boxes were commingled with other ballots before checking against the number of applications received.(The Election Law provides for voters who are unable to come to the polling station because of age, illness or disability to be allowed to vote through the “mobile ballot box” which is brought to them at home. It also requires that an advance application be submitted although oral applications are accepted)

The Central Election Commission received more than 400 complaints regarding these and other violations. The number of complaints filed with the courts is not known. A great majority of these complaints remain unresolved beyond deadlines imposed by law. In two districts where the results reported were contrary to evidence presented by some candidates, the courts ordered the commissions to produce the protocols from all precincts in the respective districts in order to justify the reported results. The commissions complied with the court order in one district in Almaty, according to the presiding judge. But the plaintiffs in the case were denied access to the protocols. The court ruled against the plaintiffs and dismissed the case.

The Collapse of Transparency and Accountability Mechanisms

In determining that a full observation mission should be deployed for the elections, a key factor was the Central Election Commission’s adoption of a series of important regulations and procedural guidelines that:

  • emphasized the role of both international and domestic observers and advanced their rights; and
  • set in place procedures designed to promote the accurate reporting of results.

On both counts, the system failed.

In spite of assurances that all protocols would be available for public scrutiny, neither the Central Election Commission nor the District Commissions could provide precinct details to substantiate the final results when they were announced. Requests from the EOM for copies of worksheets showing cumulative precinct results were denied as well.

The final results from the first round were reported with no detail whatsoever. Winners and candidates advancing to the second round were announced with only their percentage of votes. The numbers of votes received by losing candidates were never made public.(Failure to provide the numbers of votes and percent of the total votes cast for each of the losing candidates also made it difficult for candidates to apply for a refund of their registration fee. Article 88 provides that a refund is granted to each candidate or party who received at least 7% of votes cast. )

5.2 The Second Round, October 24

While the Election Law provides a 60-day period within which to organize the second round elections, the Central Election Commission ordered the second round to be held on 24 October, before the great majority of more than 400 complaints filed with the courts and the Commission could be resolved.

The rush to the second round was troubling because a determination that any election was invalidated would automatically disqualify the candidates involved from participating in the run-off election. The urgency with which the Commission pushed for the second round elections could ultimately mean that a winning deputy already seated in the Majilis could be disqualified if a court challenge caused an election to be declared invalid after the second round had taken place.

During the week preceding the second round on 24 October, the Central Election Commission announced improved and more transparent procedures for the second round vote count and tabulation of results. The Central Election Commission also initiated additional training seminars for the District Election Commissions. New measures designed to reduce opportunities for the falsification of results were laudable. However, significant doubts remained regarding the outcome of the first round, both for the ten Deputies elected in the party list race, and the 20 Deputies elected from the single-mandate constituencies. Moreover, those who qualified for the second round contest in the remaining 47 constituencies and who competed on 24 October did so in an atmosphere of public distrust and skepticism.

These doubts over the electoral process could only have been lifted by a full and immediate publication of all precinct protocols, summarized by district, for the first round of elections. No such publication was forthcoming.

Observations in the Second Round

The EOM covered the 24 October Election Day with a total of 18 observer teams in 14 different electoral districts. These areas were selected according to a priority list developed by the EOM.

A total of 134 polling stations was visited on election day, and 19 additional polling stations were observed during the counting process. Voting took place in 47 of the 67 districts in an estimated 6,500 polling stations. Thus, the sample represents only about 2% of all polling stations. Due to the quantitative limitations of this sample, any percentages given in this analysis should be read as trends or patterns rather than hard evidence.

International observers also collected results by copying protocols and worksheets at District Election Commissions. In view of the problems encountered with the counting of votes in the first round, more emphasis was put on the counting and tabulation process for the second round. Results for 536 polling stations were recovered, representing about 8% of the total number of polling stations involved.

Observations during Polling

The “transparency checklist” issued by the Central Election Commission for the second round of the elections and the training workshops organized for the election commissions had a positive impact on the conduct of the second round polling on 24 October in some districts and precincts. In others, the violations encountered during the first round were repeated.

  • In 43% of the polling stations, observers found that one person signed the voters list for several individuals, twice as often compared to the first round.
  • In almost a third of the polling stations (31%), proxy voting was allowed.
  • In 44% of the polling stations, the ballots were not properly signed. In only half of the polling stations visited, the handling of the ballots was rated acceptable.
  • In 16% of the locations, people other than polling station commission members were in some way involved in the processing of voters.

Among significant violations, in Atyrau, one of the few districts where an opposition candidate qualified for the second round, the District Election Commission Chairman initially denied international observers access to the tabulation process and refused to follow the Central Election Commission’s “transparency” instructions. Later after violence broke out in one precinct, the same observers were informed that their security could not be guaranteed and were forced to leave the District Election Commission session before the tabulation of the results.

In one district of Almaty, District Election Commission members were in a meeting with the Akim shortly before the tabulation of results started. Individuals with no apparent official function in the electoral process, often identified as representatives of the Akimats, were again present during polling, vote count, and tabulation of results, frequently giving instructions.

Thus, the improved procedures for the second round could not have an impact on the overall outcome of the elections.

Analysis of Second Round Turnout

OSCE observers collected some 536 polling station results either directly or through District Election Commissions. Worksheets were available for four Districts. Turnout figures were noted for 511 polling stations that include about 600,000 voters. The overall turnout is 52,4%. However, a close look at the turnout figures reveals some troubling facts.

Table of Observed Voter Turnout, 2nd Round of Elections

Turnout
Reported

of Polling Stations

% of Polling Stations

of Votes Cast

% of Votes Cast

100%

93

18.2%

24.255

7.7%

>= 95%

145

28.4%

51.994

16.4%

>= 90%

185

36.2%

78.803

24.9%

>= 75%

260

50.9%

142.044

44.9%

>= 50%

359

70.3%

227.522

71.9%

<= 25%

48

9.4%

20.136

6.4%

<= 15%

10

2.0%

2.588

0.8%

All

511

100%

316.576

100%

Some polling stations with a 100% turnout are so-called “closed polling stations” including hospitals, sanatoriums, and military bases where a high turnout is typical. However, 10 of the 93 polling stations that report a 100%-turnout have more than 500 voters. Polling station 219 in District 9 with 1,442 voters reported a 100% turnout. In district 13, voters seem to be highly disciplined: in no less than 30 precincts all voters participated. In District 67 in Almaty City, an urban area, 4 precincts reported a 100% turnout. Considering the overall political apathy among the population, and that this was a second round election, these figures are quite astonishing.

Analysis of the Second Round Voting Patterns

  • Due to the fact that it was a run-off election for which the two candidates with the highest number of votes were qualified, it is also surprising that in seven precincts, protocols showed that one of the candidates received no votes at all. In 28 precincts, one of the contenders received 10 votes or less. Among these 28 precincts, 23 had a 100%-turnout. In 34 polling stations, one of the candidates received more than 90%.
  • The use of mobile ballot boxes was generally not very extensive (less than 1% of the votes cast). However, in a number of polling stations, the number of votes cast in the mobile ballot box was significantly higher. In 9 polling stations it was more than 20%. In 35 polling stations it was more than 10%. In one polling station more than 40% of the 400 votes were cast through mobile voting.
  • In a majority of the polling stations observed, advance voting did not take place at all, although the Monday after election day was a public holiday and many voters were expected to use this occasion for traveling. In 21 polling stations, the share of advance votes was greater than 10% of the total votes cast. In 8 polling stations the share was more than 25%. In polling station No. 185 of District 67 in Almaty City, 76% of the 1,246 votes were cast in advance. In polling station No. 183 of the same district, 67% of the 789 votes were cast early. In both cases, candidate Alimzhanov gained a landslide victory against the prominent opposition representative Svoik.
  • In District 67 there is another unusual finding related to the number of “additional” voters casting ballots relative to the total number of votes cast. In polling station No. 159, this share was 30%. In addition, this precinct also had relatively high use of mobile ballot boxes. Alimzhanov won this precinct as well.
  • In 41 precincts, the number of invalid ballots was more than 10%. The share of votes “against all” exceeded 10% in 19 precincts. In 38 precincts the number of votes against all and spoiled ballots were more than 15%; in 9 precincts it was more than a quarter of the votes cast. These were all but one in areas with high turnouts (70% or more).

Table of Results in Selected Districts, 2nd Round

District No.

#9

#13

#37

#39

#67

No. of Polling
Stations

56

64

117

108

94

Total Voters

66,296

32,540

117,361

111,478

156,973

Total Votes
Cast

44,546

23,627

73,792

84,018

42,268

Total Turnout

67.2%

72.6%

62.9%

75.4%

26.9%

Lowest Turnout

29%

10%

7.8%

24.1%

8.9%

Highest Turnout

100%

100%

100%

100%

100%

Candidate A

Omirgali

Kelemseit

Darimbet

Altynbekova

Svoik

Total Result

68.2%

66.9%

40.4%

41.7%

38.1%

Lowest Result

32.6%

15.9%

2.6%

2.0%

0.0%

Best Result

92.7%

100%

93.8%

90.8%

98.0%

Difference compared to
1st Round

+40.1%

+22.2%

+6.9%

+20.0%

+6.1%

Candidate B

Mazhibaev

Dosmakova

Karamanov

Bakir

Alimzhanov

Total Result

21.0%

25.3%

52.4%

54.2%

55.0%

Lowest Result

0.1%

0.0%

5.0%

8.2%

23.9%

Best Result

65.3%

81.8%

97.4%

98.0%

100%

Difference compared to
1st Round

+9.9%

+3.8%

+38.5%

+35.9%

+32.0%

The table above provides insight into the large variations in terms of both turnout and voter preference within a relatively small sampling of polling stations in five districts monitored by OSCE observers. Also, the five winning candidates in these districts received an average of 33.7% more votes during the second round.

 

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