5 ELECTION
DAY
5.1 Observations of the first round, 10
October
Presence of Observers
Ultimately, the Central Election
Commission announced that over 22,000 international and domestic observers had been
accredited to monitor the elections. The EOM encountered party and candidate observers in
approximately 90% of the polling stations visited and “non-partisan” observers in 76%
of those polling stations.
The accreditation of over 2,500 non-partisan domestic observers by
District Election Commissions throughout Kazakhstan represented a significant development
in citizen ownership of the electoral process. However, international observers tended to
have more liberal access to the proceedings than their Kazakhstani counterparts.
However, many domestic observers were from organizations assigned to
polling stations by the local authorities themselves. When interviewed, many observers
confessed that they were just “told to come,” and had no training or guidance as to
what they were to do when they got there. Others belonging to organizations such as
associations of pensioners or retired military admitted that they had been instructed to
come to “represent” a particular candidate. This last group may have been a solution
to a conflicting provision of law that permits each candidate only a maximum of seven
representatives.( Article
91, Constitutional Law on Elections, Republic of Kazakhstan) When candidates complained that they could
not have an observer at every polling station with only seven representatives, advice from
the Central Election Commission was that they should “rely on public associations”
which are entitled to have an observer at every polling station.
Observation of Polling Activity
The first round of voting took place in
roughly 9,600 polling stations from 07:00 to 20:00. One hundred and eighteen international
observers, including 18 parliamentarians from the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, reported
findings from their visits to 574 polling stations at which approximately one million
voters, or about 13% of the total of 8,411,757 were registered to vote. Polling stations
were observed in 12 of the 14 oblasts of the Republic as well as in Almaty and Astana. No
precincts were observed in West Kazakhstan or Mangistau Oblasts.
In general, the election day on 10 October took place in a calm and
peaceful manner. Only in 3% of the polling stations visited by international observers
were tensions, minor disturbances, or undue pressure on voters reported.
The general performance of election officials was considered good in
70% of the sites visited by international observers. However, election officials were
rated significantly lower in a number of specific areas. In over half of the sites
visited, mobile ballot boxes, a focus of concern for opposition parties prior to the
election, could not be observed during periods when they were not in use. Nonetheless,
except in occasional instances where the number of voters making use of the mobile ballot
box were disproportionately high, procedures were generally found to be in compliance with
more restrictive regulations introduced for these elections.
Observers noted a significant level of confusion among voters about the
new election system and how to mark the ballots. Observers repeatedly saw voters asking
the precinct election commission members for advice on filling out the ballots.
Proxy voting ( Proxy
voting: whereby a voter presents the passport of a family member or friend who is not
present, and is allowed to vote on his or her behalf),
while reduced, was still observed in 22% of the polling stations visited by observers. In
19% of the polling stations observed, the same person appeared to have signed next to the
names of several voters on the voter lists.
Accountability for ballot usage partially depends on polling station
officials signing each ballot at the time issued to each voter. In 51% of the polling
sites visited, ballots were pre-signed or not signed at all, thus diminishing the
effectiveness of this safeguard. Inconsistencies also were noted in adherence to rules for
processing of voters, especially related to the use of the additional list for voters not
found on the voter register. Only on rare occasions were voters required to present their
Certificate of Right to Vote in order to be added to the list. The average number of
voters added to the additional lists of polling stations observed was about 3% of the
total number of voters for the precinct. However, observers encountered polling stations
where the number of added voters neared 13%.
Finally, the adequacy and accuracy of voter lists also seemed to vary.
The number of voters on some lists appeared to be inconsistent with the number of voters
recorded at the District level.
Counting and Reporting of the Votes
Official protocols summarizing precinct
(polling station) results were not always the ones reported to higher level commissions.
Frequently, results were not entered on official protocol forms, or when protocols were
prepared, these protocols were drafts and were completed in pencil. In a majority of
precincts observed, commission members carried the results either to a separate room where
the protocols were typed, or to the Akimat (local or regional administration) where
someone else completed or otherwise “adjusted” the forms in the absence of observers.
Often, Akims were reported to have instructed election commission members that certain
candidates were expected to win. The EOM has copies of flagrantly falsified protocols.
In particular, one known case occurred in plain view of international
observers in Almaty where forged protocols were uncovered reflecting different results for
the same polling station. Since this extraordinary event took place in one of Kazakhstan’s
largest constituencies, the case raises serious questions about the magnitude of the
problem and the reliability of results recorded for this constituency. This incident was
brought to the attention of authorities at the highest level. However, no action was
taken, and no sanctions were imposed.
When protocols were delivered to District Election Commissions, the
forms were further altered. In general, observers were denied the opportunity to witness
the tabulation process at the district commission level. For one district, the EOM has
evidence of candidates with the first and third (instead of the second) highest
vote-counts having been qualified for the second round. In another case, the District
Election Commission Chairman resigned and filed a complaint rather than follow the Akim’s
instructions to falsify the results.
The Central Election Commission’s regulations designed to promote the
accurate reporting of results were not followed uniformly at the precinct and district
commission levels. In 50 percent of precincts observed, requirements calling for multiple
copies of each precinct protocol to be prepared immediately upon completion of the
counting of votes, and the display of one copy of these protocols at the precinct
– both instrumental to reduce opportunities for falsification – were not followed.
Counting procedures were rated “high” in less than half of the
polling stations visited. Among procedural infractions of a technical nature, in 27% of
locations observed, officials failed to count and cancel unused ballots before the ballot
boxes were opened. In over half of the locations, ballots from mobile boxes were
commingled with other ballots before checking against the number of applications
received.( The Election Law provides for
voters who are unable to come to the polling station because of age, illness or disability
to be allowed to vote through the “mobile ballot box” which is brought to them at
home. It also requires that an advance application be submitted although oral applications
are accepted)
The Central Election Commission received
more than 400 complaints regarding these and other violations. The number of complaints
filed with the courts is not known. A great majority of these complaints remain unresolved
beyond deadlines imposed by law. In two districts where the results reported were contrary
to evidence presented by some candidates, the courts ordered the commissions to produce
the protocols from all precincts in the respective districts in order to justify the
reported results. The commissions complied with the court order in one district in Almaty,
according to the presiding judge. But the plaintiffs in the case were denied access to the
protocols. The court ruled against the plaintiffs and dismissed the case.
The Collapse of Transparency and
Accountability Mechanisms
In determining that a full observation
mission should be deployed for the elections, a key factor was the Central Election
Commission’s adoption of a series of important regulations and procedural guidelines
that:
- emphasized the role of both international and domestic observers and advanced their
rights; and
- set in place procedures designed to promote the accurate reporting of results.
On both counts, the system failed.
In spite of assurances that all protocols would be available for public
scrutiny, neither the Central Election Commission nor the District Commissions could
provide precinct details to substantiate the final results when they were announced.
Requests from the EOM for copies of worksheets showing cumulative precinct results were
denied as well.
The final results from the first round were reported with no detail
whatsoever. Winners and candidates advancing to the second round were announced with only
their percentage of votes. The numbers of votes received by losing candidates were never
made public.( Failure to provide the
numbers of votes and percent of the total votes cast for each of the losing candidates
also made it difficult for candidates to apply for a refund of their registration fee.
Article 88 provides that a refund is granted to each candidate or party who received at
least 7% of votes cast. )
5.2 The Second Round, October 24
While the Election Law provides a 60-day
period within which to organize the second round elections, the Central Election
Commission ordered the second round to be held on 24 October, before the great majority of
more than 400 complaints filed with the courts and the Commission could be resolved.
The rush to the second round was troubling because a determination that
any election was invalidated would automatically disqualify the candidates involved from
participating in the run-off election. The urgency with which the Commission pushed for
the second round elections could ultimately mean that a winning deputy already seated in
the Majilis could be disqualified if a court challenge caused an election to be declared
invalid after the second round had taken place.
During the week preceding the second round on 24 October, the Central
Election Commission announced improved and more transparent procedures for the second
round vote count and tabulation of results. The Central Election Commission also initiated
additional training seminars for the District Election Commissions. New measures designed
to reduce opportunities for the falsification of results were laudable. However,
significant doubts remained regarding the outcome of the first round, both for the ten
Deputies elected in the party list race, and the 20 Deputies elected from the
single-mandate constituencies. Moreover, those who qualified for the second round contest
in the remaining 47 constituencies and who competed on 24 October did so in an atmosphere
of public distrust and skepticism.
These doubts over the electoral process could only have been lifted by
a full and immediate publication of all precinct protocols, summarized by district, for
the first round of elections. No such publication was forthcoming.
Observations in the Second Round
The EOM covered the 24 October Election
Day with a total of 18 observer teams in 14 different electoral districts. These areas
were selected according to a priority list developed by the EOM.
A total of 134 polling stations was visited on election day, and 19
additional polling stations were observed during the counting process. Voting took place
in 47 of the 67 districts in an estimated 6,500 polling stations. Thus, the sample
represents only about 2% of all polling stations. Due to the quantitative limitations of
this sample, any percentages given in this analysis should be read as trends or patterns
rather than hard evidence.
International observers also collected results by copying protocols and
worksheets at District Election Commissions. In view of the problems encountered with the
counting of votes in the first round, more emphasis was put on the counting and tabulation
process for the second round. Results for 536 polling stations were recovered,
representing about 8% of the total number of polling stations involved.
Observations during Polling
The “transparency checklist” issued by
the Central Election Commission for the second round of the elections and the training
workshops organized for the election commissions had a positive impact on the conduct of
the second round polling on 24 October in some districts and precincts. In others, the
violations encountered during the first round were repeated.
- In 43% of the polling stations, observers found that one person signed the voters list
for several individuals, twice as often compared to the first round.
- In almost a third of the polling stations (31%), proxy voting was allowed.
- In 44% of the polling stations, the ballots were not properly signed. In only half of
the polling stations visited, the handling of the ballots was rated acceptable.
- In 16% of the locations, people other than polling station commission members were in
some way involved in the processing of voters.
Among significant violations, in Atyrau, one of the few districts where
an opposition candidate qualified for the second round, the District Election Commission
Chairman initially denied international observers access to the tabulation process and
refused to follow the Central Election Commission’s “transparency” instructions.
Later after violence broke out in one precinct, the same observers were informed that
their security could not be guaranteed and were forced to leave the District Election
Commission session before the tabulation of the results.
In one district of Almaty, District Election Commission members were in
a meeting with the Akim shortly before the tabulation of results started. Individuals with
no apparent official function in the electoral process, often identified as
representatives of the Akimats, were again present during polling, vote count, and
tabulation of results, frequently giving instructions.
Thus, the improved procedures for the second round could not have an
impact on the overall outcome of the elections.
Analysis of Second Round Turnout
OSCE observers collected some 536 polling station results either
directly or through District Election Commissions. Worksheets were available for four
Districts. Turnout figures were noted for 511 polling stations that include about 600,000
voters. The overall turnout is 52,4%. However, a close look at the turnout figures reveals
some troubling facts.
Table of Observed Voter Turnout, 2nd
Round of Elections
Turnout
Reported |
of Polling Stations |
% of Polling Stations |
of Votes Cast |
% of Votes Cast |
100%
|
93
|
18.2%
|
24.255
|
7.7%
|
>= 95%
|
145
|
28.4%
|
51.994
|
16.4%
|
>= 90%
|
185
|
36.2%
|
78.803
|
24.9%
|
>= 75%
|
260
|
50.9%
|
142.044
|
44.9%
|
>= 50%
|
359
|
70.3%
|
227.522
|
71.9%
|
<= 25%
|
48
|
9.4%
|
20.136
|
6.4%
|
<= 15%
|
10
|
2.0%
|
2.588
|
0.8%
|
All
|
511
|
100%
|
316.576
|
100%
|
|
Some polling stations with a 100% turnout
are so-called “closed polling stations” including hospitals, sanatoriums, and military
bases where a high turnout is typical. However, 10 of the 93 polling stations that report
a 100%-turnout have more than 500 voters. Polling station 219 in District 9 with 1,442
voters reported a 100% turnout. In district 13, voters seem to be highly disciplined: in
no less than 30 precincts all voters participated. In District 67 in Almaty City, an urban
area, 4 precincts reported a 100% turnout. Considering the overall political apathy among
the population, and that this was a second round election, these figures are quite
astonishing.
Analysis of the Second Round Voting
Patterns
- Due to the fact that it was a run-off election for which the two candidates with the
highest number of votes were qualified, it is also surprising that in seven precincts,
protocols showed that one of the candidates received no votes at all. In 28 precincts, one
of the contenders received 10 votes or less. Among these 28 precincts, 23 had a
100%-turnout. In 34 polling stations, one of the candidates received more than 90%.
- The use of mobile ballot boxes was generally not very extensive (less than 1% of the
votes cast). However, in a number of polling stations, the number of votes cast in the
mobile ballot box was significantly higher. In 9 polling stations it was more than 20%. In
35 polling stations it was more than 10%. In one polling station more than 40% of the 400
votes were cast through mobile voting.
- In a majority of the polling stations observed, advance voting did not take place at
all, although the Monday after election day was a public holiday and many voters were
expected to use this occasion for traveling. In 21 polling stations, the share of advance
votes was greater than 10% of the total votes cast. In 8 polling stations the share was
more than 25%. In polling station No. 185 of District 67 in Almaty City, 76% of the 1,246
votes were cast in advance. In polling station No. 183 of the same district, 67% of the
789 votes were cast early. In both cases, candidate Alimzhanov gained a landslide victory
against the prominent opposition representative Svoik.
- In District 67 there is another unusual finding related to the number of “additional”
voters casting ballots relative to the total number of votes cast. In polling station No.
159, this share was 30%. In addition, this precinct also had relatively high use of mobile
ballot boxes. Alimzhanov won this precinct as well.
- In 41 precincts, the number of invalid ballots was more than 10%. The share of votes “against
all” exceeded 10% in 19 precincts. In 38 precincts the number of votes against all and
spoiled ballots were more than 15%; in 9 precincts it was more than a quarter of the votes
cast. These were all but one in areas with high turnouts (70% or more).
Table of Results in Selected
Districts, 2nd Round
District No. |
#9
|
#13
|
#37
|
#39
|
#67
|
No.
of Polling
Stations |
56
|
64
|
117
|
108
|
94
|
Total
Voters |
66,296
|
32,540
|
117,361
|
111,478
|
156,973
|
Total
Votes
Cast |
44,546
|
23,627
|
73,792
|
84,018
|
42,268
|
Total
Turnout |
67.2%
|
72.6%
|
62.9%
|
75.4%
|
26.9%
|
Lowest
Turnout |
29%
|
10%
|
7.8%
|
24.1%
|
8.9%
|
Highest
Turnout |
100%
|
100%
|
100%
|
100%
|
100%
|
Candidate
A |
Omirgali |
Kelemseit |
Darimbet |
Altynbekova |
Svoik |
Total
Result |
68.2%
|
66.9%
|
40.4%
|
41.7%
|
38.1%
|
Lowest
Result |
32.6%
|
15.9%
|
2.6%
|
2.0%
|
0.0%
|
Best
Result |
92.7%
|
100%
|
93.8%
|
90.8%
|
98.0%
|
Difference
compared to
1st Round |
+40.1%
|
+22.2%
|
+6.9%
|
+20.0%
|
+6.1%
|
Candidate
B |
Mazhibaev |
Dosmakova |
Karamanov |
Bakir |
Alimzhanov |
Total
Result |
21.0%
|
25.3%
|
52.4%
|
54.2%
|
55.0%
|
Lowest
Result |
0.1%
|
0.0%
|
5.0%
|
8.2%
|
23.9%
|
Best
Result |
65.3%
|
81.8%
|
97.4%
|
98.0%
|
100%
|
Difference
compared to
1st Round |
+9.9%
|
+3.8%
|
+38.5%
|
+35.9%
|
+32.0%
|
|
The table above provides insight into the
large variations in terms of both turnout and voter preference within a relatively small
sampling of polling stations in five districts monitored by OSCE observers. Also, the five
winning candidates in these districts received an average of 33.7% more votes during the
second round. |