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12 elephants of Kazakh democracy
Democracy is not for Kazakhstan

The Globe, 10 May 2001

Kazakhstan’s economics is composed of monopolistic manufacturing entities: in the year 2000, 12 major enterprises of Kazakhstan produced 52% of all commercial production; whereas 9 oil companies produced 41%. The latter’s share soared more than twice from 1998 (18.9%) to 2000. The launching of CPC and large-scale production of oil in Tengiz would evidently add more oil flavor to Kazakhstan’s industrial pie.

The monopolistic character of Kazakh economics dates from the Soviet times. 10 years of independence just fixed this tendency.

Of course, this is presupposed by a number of objective factors, primarily by the following:

  • Kazakhstan’s vast expanses with low average density of population and extremely unevenly populated territories;
  • considerable remoteness of main consumer centers from major transport communication systems;
  • at last, extremely tough time trouble after the collapse of the USSR.

This is axiomatic that economy predetermines the character of political structure of the country. From this point of view, it is interesting to consider the results of a recent poll of experts conducted in Almaty and Astana by the group EZH-ZH (Ezhenova/the Zhusupovs, father and son). The poll (published in Panorama) concerned comparative party structuring in Kazakhstan and Russia.

The authors associate the idea of the poll with the recent events in Russia, i. e. the amalgamation of Russian two leading pro-presidential parties Edinstvo and Otechestvo with the congress of Otan in Kazakhstan. At that, the authors formulate long-term substantiation: "In fact, the rules of nomination of candidates to the presidency are being elaborated. The party will, at last, acquire the necessary flexibility".

It is interesting to note that theoreticians consider that, theoretically, a multi-party system is good.

So, the overwhelming majority of experts in Almaty (from 85% to 95%) and the qualified majority in Astana (from 65% to 75) think that multi-party system:

  • makes it possible to give voice to the interests of different social strata;
  • creates prerequisites for competitiveness and for creation of competitive medium for elaboration of optimal decisions;
  • insures control over distribution and consumption of resources (the core issue of socialism!) and so on and on.

In theory, everything is OK, and the poll has clearly demonstrated this: the experts are well acquainted with the advantages of the multi-party system. But as soon as it comes to practice, the matter looks rather different…

Only 8,3% of experts believe that political parties in Kazakhstan are the weighty elements of the political system. Compare: the similar evaluation for the situation in Russia was 86.1% in Astana and Almaty. A dramatic difference!

The qualified majority of experts (75% in Astana and 62.5% in Almaty) consider that "in 2-3 years the party of the power will occupy the main foreground positions". Here is the conclusion of EZH: "The party Otan, which has claimed its right to exist as the party of the middle class, cannot represent the ideas of the majority of the population, as even in Russia the middle class composes around 20% of the population. As for Kazakhstan, the percentage is nearly the same here".

And here we would like to afford not to agree with the conclusions of EZH. But at first, here is one more scandalous response of the experts (it is the key point!). Only insignificant 2.8% of experts in Astana (possibly, this figure corresponds just to 1 or 2 experts, practically zero) considered that in 2-3 years "a two-party system would be created in the Republic of Kazakhstan, and in the framework of this system the power and the opposition would share considerable authority".

Yes, we agree with the Astana experts. We even assert that Kazakhstan will never – not now or in 2-3 or more years – have the two-party political system with Otan claiming to represent the opinions of the middle class.

But let us come back to the starting point of our reasoning. Kazakhstan’s economics has a monopolistic character; and it predetermines the politics.

Democracy is not needed to be in command of 12 enterprises. Democracy begins to work if only much more than 12 participants are involved in the economic field. And what is most important they should compete with each other. These players need clear rules of the game. If they are numerous and cannot come to terms with the authorities, then democracy and strict observance of the rules can be of help.

In this regard, democracy – in the fundamental sense of the word – is not for Kazakhstan.


The Globe, 10 May 2001

 

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