The North – South transport
corridor
Regine A. Spector
Over the past five years, the United States and the European Union
have emphasized the important role of countries of the Caucasus and Central Asia in the
development of East-West energy and transport routes, linking Central and South Asia with
Europe. Less noted, however, have been ongoing developments in the creation of North-South
transport routes linking markets in South Asia with Europe via Iran and Russia. While
recent analyses of Russian-Iranian relations have largely focused on weapons and
technology transfers from Russia to Iran, the nascent North-South transport corridor
signals an attempt to restore the historic trade of conventional commodities between South
Asia and Europe. This project also demonstrates the common interest of regional countries
to multiply the number of trade route options that extend north and south, as well as east
and west.
BACKGROUND: Existing organizations that promote regional
infrastructure and transit routes in Central Asia such as the EU’s TRACECA project and
the GUUAM organization have excluded Iran or Russia. In response, these two countries have
since the late 1990s sought to create alternative transport routes by restoring Soviet era
ties and developing port and rail infrastructure. Two years ago, Russia, Iran and India
signed an agreement in St. Petersburg laying out a vision for a North-South Transport
Corridor. The corridor stretches from ports in India across the Arabian Sea to the
southern Iranian port of Bandar Abbas, where goods then transit Iran and the Caspian Sea
to ports in Russia’s sector of the Caspian. From there, the route stretches along the
Volga River via Moscow to northern Europe.
Analysts indicate that Indian cargo transported via this route has increased dramatically
over the past year, reversing the dramatic decline of the 1990s. In the Soviet era,
millions of tons per year of transit cargo passed from Europe to Iran via the USSR and
between the USSR and India along this route. Small shipments of tea and tobacco first made
their way to Russia from India through Iran in 2000. Russia exports mainly metals, timber,
paper, machinery and chemicals to Iran, while Iran sends mainly foodstuffs, cars and buses
to Russia. The revived route is expected to offer both quicker and cheaper transportation
than the primary alternative—the shipment of goods from South Asia through the
Mediterranean and Suez Canal and then into the Atlantic and North Sea to Baltic ports.
Russian analysts predict that delivery time using the North-South Corridor will be reduced
anywhere from 10 – 20 days, and the cost per container will decrease by $400-$500.
Moreover, they estimate the Russian government will alone receive hundreds of millions of
dollars, even billions, from taxes and customs revenues.
The project’s momentum has steadily increased in the past year. A delegation of
representatives from the transport ministries met in New Delhi in January 2002 to set up a
special working agency to deal with issues related to customs, financial and legal
regulations; and in May, after all three countries had ratified the agreement, the three
transport ministers officially launched the North-South transport corridor project.
IMPLICATIONS: Significant obstacles nevertheless remain before
the full potential of the project can be realized. While Russia and Iran have both pledged
to invest in road, rail and port infrastructure, shortcomings in infrastructure remains a
pressing concern. During an April 2002 visit to the Astrakhan region on the Caspian coast,
President Putin singled out the economic importance of the North-South transport corridor
but called for an improvement in the new Olya port, the “weak link” of the corridor
– lest Russia “lag behind” and “lose its strategic advantage.” The Olya port,
strategically located at the mouth of the Volga, is now in the process of being upgraded
to allow for year-round transport of container traffic.
In addition to the technical constraints, significant political differences between Iran
and Russia cloud the picture. Russia and Kazakhstan recently veered away from the previous
collaborative five-party negotiations on the status of the Caspian Sea, championed by
Iran, instead using bilateral processes to resolve the issues. Iran also voiced
disapproval of future Russian plans for military exercises in the Caspian, despite the
fact that both countries have used their militaries as a show of force in the Caspian
before. Thus ongoing disagreements over the Caspian Sea’s legal and military status
could delay or thwart the project.
While political and economic challenges remain in the development of an overarching
North-South Transport Corridor, important bilateral trade and transport agreements have
been signed in tandem with the official North-South project. Iran sees itself playing a
particularly active role in forging trade and market links with Central Asia. During
Iranian President Khatami’s recent Central Asian tour in Spring 2002, several agreements
on trade and transport projects were signed. A transport corridor through Turkmenistan
already exists between Iran and Uzbekistan, and the development of an additional route via
Afghanistan is under discussion.
Iran has perhaps most actively promoted relations with Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan, two
countries that have voiced strong interest in joining the North-South transport corridor
project and in expanding trade and transport relations with Iran. Kazakhstan’s foreign
policy over the past decade of independence has carefully balanced relations with its
neighbors, with a particular focus on ensuring multiple export routes for the country’s
vast energy reserves. Thus, while Kazakhstan has pursued it’s relationship with Russia
bilaterally regarding Caspian issues to Iran’s dissatisfaction, Kazakhstan also began to
supply oil products to Iran by rail in May 2002.
Azerbaijan, which has largely focused on the East-West energy corridor, has also voiced
support for the North-South project. The construction of a 350 km rail track between
Azerbaijan and Iran and the rehabilitation of the existing Baku-Astara railroad are under
discussion.
CONCLUSION: The North-South Transport Corridor is making strides
towards achieving a new framework. The project has the potential to incorporate other
interested states, including countries of the Caucasus, Central Asia, and Eastern Europe,
and perhaps also Oman. However, history shows the difficulty of developing regional
transport projects. The Trans-Siberian Railway, once hailed as an important strategic and
economic project, now moves only about 10,000 containers per year mainly due to a lack of
service reliability. The Caspian region is also notorious for its lack of investment in
essential port and railway infrastructure. Strategic and political dangers, such as the
potential for militarization of the Caspian, could pose a significant threat. Prominent
Russian politicians have already noted the danger that the route be abused for illicit
drug and weapons trafficking, following existing routes from Afghanistan in the south via
Central Asia into Russia and Europe. The Olya and Astrakhan ports, as well as others on
the Iranian portion, are also already allegedly involved in the illicit transfer of WMD
components from Russia to Iran.
At the same time, the official North-South Transport Corridor Project must be seen in
light of a broader attempt by regional Central Asian countries to create as many trade and
transport opportunities as possible. Today’s developments mirror the continually
evolving system of multiple routes and relationships of the historic Silk Road. In
addition to following developments in the official North-South Transport Corridor, it will
be equally important to track the web of bilateral infrastructure and trade routes
developing in the region.
AUTHOR BIO: Regine Spector is a researcher at the Foreign Policy
Studies Program of the Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C. She will be a Ph.D.
Candidate at the University of California at Berkeley from Fall 2002.
Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst, July 3, 2002
http://www.cacianalyst.org/2002-07-03/20020703_NORTH_SOUTH_CORRIDOR.htm |
|