Uzbekistan: Russia's Image On The Rise In
Central Asia (Part 1)
Zamira Eshanova
The beginning of perestroika in the late 1980s prompted a wave of
national awareness to sweep through many of the Soviet republics. It was a period of high
anti-Russian sentiment, with republics expressing for the first time their resentment over
communist-era repressions and the tsarist colonization that preceded them. But in the
former Soviet republics of Central Asia, the past decade of independence has seen Russia's
image on the upswing. In the first of a three-part series on Russia's reemerging influence
in Central Asia, RFE/RL talks to analysts and ordinary citizens in Uzbekistan.
Prague, 12 November 2002 (RFE/RL) -- The Uzbek government has worked
hard over the past decade to promote the political, economic, and spiritual independence
of the nation. But despite such efforts, a different perspective appears to be gaining
force: Russophilia is on the rise in Uzbekistan.
Russia, once the self-imposed center of a sometimes restive Soviet
universe, has today become a magnet for millions of citizens of independent Uzbekistan.
Economically and militarily stronger, Russia appears to offer the prosperity and security
that many Uzbeks have failed to find at home.
Malik Abdurazzoqov is an Uzbek political analyst. He said living
standards for a vast majority of Uzbeks have been on the decline over the past few years,
leaving many people nostalgic for the relative comfort of the Soviet era: "Roughly
speaking, people [in Uzbekistan] are becoming more and more Russophilic, despite the fact
that a majority of the Russian-speaking population has left the country. The first and
main reason for this is that the Uzbek government failed to create and implement a reform
program during the past 10 years of independence. Secondly, we are still getting
information from, and about, the outside world through the Russian language. That's why
Russian TV channels and other mass media are still very important tools in defining public
conscience."
A sagging economy and skyrocketing unemployment have pushed more and
more Uzbeks to migrate to Russia, where they are better able to find jobs, most often in
manual labor or other low-qualification employment. Russia's relatively strong and dynamic
market economy has made a favorable impression on many young Uzbeks, including 27-year-old
Sevara, who described her attitude toward Russia this way: "I don't know. It seems to
me that somehow we Uzbeks are living today thanks to Russia. It is painful to admit, but
it seems that half of Bukhara and all of Tashkent are working in Russia these days. My own
brothers work in Russia, for example. I have always had a good attitude toward Russia,
because we used to go there so often. It's a pity I can't go now [because it is so
expensive to travel there]."
Marat Khadjimukhamedov is deputy director of the Ijtimoiy Fikr public
opinion center based in Tashkent. He said that Russia's new, positive image among Uzbeks
is primarily tied to its economic strength: "Citizens of Uzbekistan look at Russia
first as a labor market, second as a consumer market for their products, and third as a
market where they can buy goods that are in high demand here in Uzbekistan. These natural
economic and social relations have created a positive image of Russia in the eyes of Uzbek
citizens."
Another reason behind Russia's improving image in Uzbekistan,
Khadjimukhamedov said, is concern over security issues. The Uzbek government has fought to
suppress the spread of Islamic groups it describes as extremist and says pose a threat to
regional security. But many Uzbeks see Tashkent as incapable of maintaining peace and
stability, and worry it would be powerless in case of an armed incursion or other outside
threat. As a result, Uzbeks look to Russia as a kind of protective neighbor.
Khadjimukhamedov said a recent Ijtimoiy Fikr opinion poll indicates
that, despite the current U.S. military presence in Uzbekistan and elsewhere in Central
Asia, the majority of Uzbeks still look at Russia as the most reliable ally in security
issues. "We asked a question: In the case that there is a military threat to the
Central Asian states, and in particular to Uzbekistan, which country should they rely on
and which country they should ask help from? The majority of respondents said Russia. In
the social mind-set, Russia is not seen as some faraway country. It is a close neighbor, a
powerful and big state. Naturally, the long-time coexistence in the same [Soviet] country
can't be overcome overnight."
But analyst Abdurazzoqov argues that nostalgia for the Soviet past is
not the only element responsible for Uzbek's growing interest in Russia. He said the
decade of independence, rather than invigorating the country, has left many Uzbeks feeling
hopeless about their prospects for the future. In Russia they see an opportunity to change
their fate for the better. "This [Russophilia] is not only due to the inertia [of the
Soviet past]. It's also because people are tired; they see no light at the end of the
tunnel, and there is no alternative. People now understand there have been no reforms at
all [in Uzbekistan]. That's why they have now begun seeing their future as lying with some
large outside force; they are ready to accept America or Russia as a big brother, because
they have lost any hope for the future. This is not nostalgia, but a new phenomenon. There
is a belief that a big outside force can guarantee some positive changes in the lives of
ordinary people."
Khadjimukhamedov says the United States, despite its economic
prosperity, cannot act as the "guarantor" of such positive change because of its
geographic distance from Central Asia. Russia, as it gains in economic strength, has
easily taken on the big-brother role in the eyes of many Uzbeks.
Another key to Russia's growing popularity in Uzbekistan is its
president, Vladimir Putin. Rasul, a teacher, said Russia's economic and political image
has become clear and strong since Putin replaced former President Boris Yeltsin in the
Kremlin: "In my opinion, Russia's image in Uzbekistan improved considerably after
Putin came to power, because he took the road of cooperation with civilized world, not the
old pattern of antagonism or hostility toward the West. The Uzbek public is happy with
that, because now we've got an opportunity to enter the civilized world through
Russia."
During the first years of independence, the Uzbek government and
state-controlled mass media launched a strong anti-Russia campaign, focusing on the
nation's hardships under 140 years of Russian and Soviet control and praising the
advantages of sovereignty.
But now -- as government officials and President Islam Karimov move
closer to Soviet-style authoritarianism in their political model -- there is less and less
interest among Uzbek citizens in remembering the dark side of life under colonial and
communist rule. Marat Khadjimukhamedov of the Ijtimoiy Fikr public opinion center said
that while Uzbeks have not forgotten about their colonial past, they do not appear to fear
that history will repeat itself.
"There is an understanding among the population that Uzbekistan --
and in general, Central Asia -- had been conquered by the Russian Empire, and it is
impossible to sweep these years away from history. But these years serve in the social
mind-set, in public opinion, as a big lesson -- a lesson that says Uzbekistan must not be
under any kind of dependence, colonial or economic. It must remain an independent state.
But the image of an enemy, or the image of an enemy state, is not applied to Russia.
Public opinion holds no such notion."
But other observers, like Malik Abdurazzoqov, say that if the Uzbek
government continues to hold back on economic and social reforms, Uzbeks will turn in
ever-greater numbers to Russia, where they see at least some chance for economic survival
and self-determination.
(This is the first in a three-part series this week looking at an
increase in Russian influence in Central Asia.)
http://www.rferl.org/nca/features/2002/11/12112002171406.asp
RFE/RL, November 12, 2002 |