Kazakhgate under way
According to reliable sources in Astana, Nursultan Nazarbayev has set
up a crisis group on Kazakhgate. Bulat Utemuratov, an old and trusted adviser to
Nazarbayev, who has started his career as a public catering man in Almaty to become an
ambassador to Switzerland and UN international organizations, has headed the group. The
group's task is to develop a strategy that will allow to shift the blame from Kazakh
president and his family members onto someone else.
The U.S. has requested Swiss authorities to seize dozens of bank
accounts controlled by Nazarbayev and his family members as part of an international
investigation. Owners of the seized multimillion accounts include former prime minister
Nurlan Balgimbayev, who is also involved in numerous shady Kazakh oil deals, dumping oil
sales and illegal deals with rogue states. On June 6, a Kazakhgate-related trial is to
begin in Alexandria, the capital of Virginia. For this and further trials, Mr. Nazarbayev
and his lawyers will have to present their own version for the origin of the accounts and
the moneys in question.
According to the sources, the Utemuratov group's basic recommendation
is to admit the fact of the U.S. and Swiss investigations and the existence of bank
accounts in the name of Nursultan Nazarbayev and his daughter Dinara in Geneva's Credit
Agricole Indosuez. Simultaneously, the president will have to categorically state that
those accounts were opened without his or his relatives' permission. Nursultan Nazarbayev
has been recommended to launch a public investigation in Kazakhstan, as a result of which
the Kazakhgate would be presented as a criminal scheme by two persons, namely former prime
minister Nurlan Balgimbayev and old adviser to Kazakh president James Giffen.
The version, worked out in association with U.S. lawyers hired to
defend Mr. Nazarbayev in the forthcoming trial, suggests that Mr. Balgimbayev as a Kazakh
oil minister, Kazakhoil company president and prime minister, and James Giffen forced
western companies to transfer hundreds of millions or even billions of dollars due to
Kazakhstan as bonuses and royalties, to private accounts. In doing so, the two schemers
said they followed the president's orders. To convince western companies that the bribes
were to go to President Nursultan Nazarbayev, Mr. Balgimbayev and Mr. Giffen opened in
Switzerland banks accounts in his name and the names of his relatives, and transferred
moneys to them.
This plan is believed to be the reason behind a sudden and ambiguous
statement made by prime minister Tasmagambetov at Kazakh parliament this April. The head
of government said that the accounts in the name of Mr. Nazarbayev must have been opened
behind his back. At that time, observers failed to see the true meaning of that statement
and attributed it to a closed mind and the lack of information of the 'Nazarbayev's
product' as Mr. Tasmagambetov proudly calls himself. It's obvious today that the statement
was meant as a public opinion probe made on Mr. Utemuratov's request.
Mr. Balgimbayev was fired from the post of the Kazakhoil president
without any of the traditional compensations from President Nazarbayev. All the later
statements by the former prime minister who said that the president offered him some
high-level positions but he chose to engage in business have been viewed with suspicion
from the very beginning. The events that followed just added weight to the suspicions that
Mr. Nazarbayev was going to victimize his old associate to western justice and the
international public opinion in order to save his own reputation and, probably, his
freedom.
Since his resignation as the Kazakhoil president, Nurlan Balgimbayev
has been living in his house in the Bolshoy Almatinsky gorge. Almost everyone in the
southern capital knows that he is under surveillance of presidential special services, his
phone is being tapped, and his contacts are being recorded. Well-informed sources say the
president fears that Mr. Balgimbayev, who has extensive connections in Western Kazakhstan,
may attempt to consolidate local elite to protect him. The community in the ex-premier's
native land openly complains that the central authorities have been using Kazakh oil and
gas revenues uncontrollably. Until now, there have been no influential figure with
sufficient financial resources to head a movement for Western Kazakhstan's autonomy or
even complete independence.
James Giffen, seen as the president Nazarbayev mastermind, who have
been a middleman in almost every important investment deal or a high-level staffing issue,
would soon go on trial in New York on charges of bribing foreign state officials which is
an criminal offense under U.S. laws. His defense tactics is based on the idea that he did
not act independently, but fulfilled orders from high-level Kazakh officials as a hired
manager or specialist. All his transfers into Swiss bank accounts were allegedly made in
line of duty and he has not benefited from them.
Mr. Balgimbayev have denied any involvement in the Kazakhgate scandal
so far. He has also denied having any foreign bank accounts and, like Nazarbayev, has kept
saying that some mysterious opponents of oil production in the Caspian are responsible for
current situation. In the case Mr. Utemuratov manages to persuade Mr. Giffen to testify
that he was instructed solely by Mr. Balgimbayev, the latter will be taken into custody
and brought to trial behind closed doors. Should Mr. Giffen keeps insisting that Nursultan
Nazarbayev has been his patron and chief, Mr. Balgimbayev would be offered to voluntarily
admit to his criminal conspiracy with Mr. Giffen and publicly deny the charges against the
Kazakh president.
The perspective trial of Mr. Balgimbayev allows to look from a
different angle at the charges brought against Mukhtar Ablyazov, a minister in the
Balgimbayev government. Under a scenario devised by the Utemuratov's crisis group, the
trial of Mr. Ablyazov should become an overture to the trial of Mr. Balgimbayev. First
accusations against Mr. Balgimbayev are to be voiced at this first trial, which will
prepare public opinion for the actions to follow.
EURASIA-Internet, June 5, 2002
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