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Attack against journalist in Kazakhstan indicative of political crisis – Human Rights advocates

A recent attack in Kazakhstan against a prominent journalist, who prior to the assault had published an article exploring allegedly corrupt practices by President Nursultan Nazarbayev, is indicative of a "serious political crisis" in the Central Asian nation, local human rights activist say. Nazarbayev has deplored the attack, and ordered an investigation. But many of his political opponents suggest the president is responsible for fomenting a political climate based on fear and intimidation.

Three assailants beat journalist Sergei Duvanov outside his apartment in Almaty on August 27. According to an open letter to Nazarbayev from the International League for Human Rights (ILHR), citing eyewitness accounts, the attackers used "rubber truncheons, saying: ‘You know what this is for. Next time, we’ll leave you paralyzed.’" Duvanov is now recovering from a concussion, as well as cuts and bruises all over his body.

"The League (ILHR) fears that this brutal attack upon Duvanov was made in retaliation for his outspoken criticism of Kazakhstan’s high officials, including the president," the ILHR letter said. Duvanov is an investigative reporter, who specializes in human rights, justice, and political issues. In this capacity, his work has often exposed government abuses. In particular, he penned a recent analysis of an ongoing investigation of secret bank accounts allegedly controlled by Nazarbayev and members of his family. The bank accounts are the subject of a probe by Swiss and US investigators. [For additional information see the Eurasia Insight archive]. Publication of the article prompted state security officers to question Duvanov in July. Prosecutors filed criminal charges against him for "insulting the honor and the dignity of the president." If convicted, Duvanov faces a three-year prison term.

The timing and the pattern of the attack suggest that it was designed to curtail freedom of speech, especially political expression, said Yevgeny Zhovtis, head of the Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law. "The assault against Sergei Duvanov is one more indication of the serious political crisis in the country, threatening with destabilization and extremely negative consequences for democracy and human rights in Kazakhstan," Zhovtis said.

Meanwhile, officials from the OSCE’s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights condemned the assault, citing "an emerging pattern of harassment of media professionals and human rights defenders," Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty reported September 3. Likewise, a Human Rights Watch statement termed the attack "part of a worrying trend of abuse targeting the Kazakh government’s critics."

Leading opposition organizations, including the Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan (DCK) movement, met on September 3, voicing concern that state security agents carried out the attack against Duvanov. Opposition leaders, citing previous attacks against independent journalists, said they doubted that the perpetrators would ever be caught and brought to justice.

Nazarbayev has moved vigorously in recent months to quash the opposition activity. [For additional information see the Eurasia Insight archive]. Two prominent DCK leaders – Glaymzhan Zhakiyanov and Mukhtar Ablyazov, were convicted of abuse-of-power charges, stemming from allegedly corrupt activities while they held political office [for background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. Nazarbayev critics insist the prosecutions were politically motivated – designed to intimidate opponents of the incumbent administration.

While many political observers suspect a government role in the assault, some, including those with ties to Nazarbayev, do not rule out the possibility that the incident is a provocation initiated by a un-democratic "third force." Such a force, asserted presidential advisor Ermukhamet Ertysbaev, seeks to destabilize domestic political and social conditions with the aim of seizing power from Nazarbayev. Proponents of the "third force" theory suggest that, given Nazarbayev’s desire to attract foreign investment to aid the development of the oil-and-gas dominated Kazakhstani economy, it is unlikely the president would want to risk international condemnation by sanctioning such heavy-handed methods to stifle domestic criticism.

Many human rights activists, including Oleg Panfilov, director of the Moscow-based Center for Journalism in Extreme Situations, question the notion of a third force operating in Kazakhstani domestic politics. If true, "it means that the Kazakhstani president doesn’t control the situation in the country, " Panfilov said.

Some human rights activists believe that officials are backing the "third force" variant in order to help justify recent measures to clamp down on political freedom in Kazakhstan, including the recently adopted Law on Political Parties. [For additional information see the Eurasia Insight archive]. Virtually all opposition movements are unable to meet the legislation’s requirements, including a provision that a party has at least 50,000 registered members to participate in elections. All political parties, under the law, must re-register by January 19.

While many opposition parties will not be able to function legally after the new law goes into effect, some Nazarbayev critics say they will not cease their activities. "We will certainly have to operate under ground," Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty quoted Republican People’s Party Chairman Amirzhan Qosanov as saying.

 

EurasiaNet, September 4, 2002

http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/rights/articles/eav090402.shtml

 
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