Terrorism's next big trigger
Nicole Jackson
The recent violent attacks in Uzbekistan should not have been a
surprise. They were the direct result of the repressive and anti-democratic policies of
the authoritarian Uzbek government; a disgruntled, unemployed and alienated youth; and
growing international terrorist links with Central Asia. What is new is the nature of the
attacks -- female suicide bombings -- which reflects the evolving tactics of terrorists
worldwide.
The violence also demonstrates that current U.S. strategy in Central
Asia is not working.
It is time for a more balanced strategy, one that focuses less on
military might and support for authoritarian regimes and more on intelligence-sharing, law
enforcement and combatting the underlying conditions of terrorism.
Post-Soviet Central Asia sits at the strategic crossroads between
Russia, China, Afghanistan and the Middle East and borders the oil-rich Caspian Sea. Its
largely Islamic peoples are divided into five authoritarian states. Despite significant
differences, the states are very poor and weak, increasingly vulnerable to attack by
criminal elements. Besides terrorism, the potentially serious threats include narcotics,
arms, and human trafficking. Uzbekistan is the region's largest and most powerful state,
so it is vitally important that the United States gets its policies there right.
Since their independence in 1991, Central Asian states have suffered
several violent attacks linked to extreme Islamic groups. The main radical Islamic groups
of concern in the region are the armed Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) and the
unarmed Hizb-ut-Tahrir. Both have ties with foreign terrorist groups. The recent terrorist
acts in Uzbekistan were most likely the work of the IMU or perhaps even a new group within
the dynamic and amorphous al-Qaeda network.
The IMU is dedicated to overthrowing the Uzbek regime and establishing
an Islamic state in the Ferghana Valley, which straddles Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and
Kyrgyzstan. It was responsible for small-scale military attacks in Uzbekistan and
Kyrgyzstan in 1999 and 2000. Although the IMU was severely weakened in 2001 during the
U.S.-led war in Afghanistan, it is believed to be currently regrouping and has allegedly
been involved in recent attempted attacks in Kyrgyzstan. Many IMU members, including a key
leader, Tokhir Yuldashev, may be hiding along the Pakistan-Afghan border.
The Uzbek government blames recent violence on the much larger and so
far nonviolent group, Hizb-ut-Tahrir (HT). Headquartered in London, HT is an underground
movement that advocates peaceful means to create Islamic caliphates based on Sharia law
throughout the Muslim world; it is thought to have as many as 10,000 members and is now
actively recruiting and distributing propaganda pamphlets throughout Central Asia. There
is a real fear that the little-understood HT may switch tactics, and begin to advocate
violence. Its secretive and decentralized structure would then makes its activities very
hard to combat.
Uzbek policies are partly to blame for the current escalation in
violence and rising discontent. President Islam Karimov, the head of Uzbekistan's secular
government, has pursued a vigorous anti-terrorism policy, sending thousands of Uzbeks to
prison and into exile.
Roundly condemned by human-rights groups, the government's heavy-handed
actions, combined with the lack of political opportunities, is increasing popular
resentment and making membership in outlawed groups more attractive -- and may encourage
HT to adopt more confrontational tactics.
Misguided U.S. strategy has also contributed to the rise of extremism.
U.S. policy in Central Asia has primarily focused on military means to fight terrorism.
After Sept. 11, the U.S. created military bases in key Central Asian
states to act as staging points for the war in Afghanistan, and to combat terrorism in the
region as a whole. Uzbekistan has received the greatest share of the U.S. aid. And U.S.
military presence in Uzbekistan has helped to train and equip the Uzbek military forces.
However, as the recurrence of terrorist acts shows, traditional military force is of
limited use in combatting terrorists who are organized in small and loosely affiliated
cells.
The U.S. bases also have the paradoxical effect of increasing
anti-American sentiments though their very presence.
The United States is perceived by many people as hypocritical in its
rhetorical promotion of democracy and human rights. The military bases are symbols that
the United States is aligning itself with authoritarian states and providing training and
funds to their repressive security structures. That fuels recruitment for extremist
organizations, especially since they are the only avenues for dissent.
U.S. policy and tactics should be much more balanced, nuanced and
focused on helping the peoples of the region. Terrorists cannot be defeated through
military means or safer borders alone. Current international efforts to help Central Asian
states to improve their criminal justice systems -- in law enforcement,
intelligence-gathering and legal institutions -- are to be applauded. Significantly more
such co-operative efforts are needed. What is missing is an international consensus to put
in place a long-term human-security strategy. More sustained efforts are needed to address
the underlying causes of terrorism -- such as economic dislocation, youth unemployment and
the breakdown in domestic governance.
The United States is the major foreign player in the region, and needs
to balance its military approach by more aggressively promoting tolerance, respect for the
rule of law, democratic values and human rights in Uzbekistan. If the Americans fails to
amend their strategy, there's a real danger that Uzbekistan and other weak Central Asian
states will continue to attract and nurture terrorists and other criminals with global
reach.
Nicole Jackson, currently based at the Centre of International
Relations, University of British Columbia, is author of Russian Foreign Policy and the
CIS. She is writing a book on combatting terrorism and illicit trades in post-Soviet
Central Asia, and has just returned from the region.
“The Globe and Mail”, April 5, 2004
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