Washington, DC
January 20, 2003

Excellency:
Larry Nupper
Ambassador of the United States in Kazakhstan
The United States Embassy
Almaty, Kazakhstan

Excellency Mr. Ambassador:

My name is Bigeldin Gabdullin, I am a journalist, the former editor of the “XXI Century” newspaper which was banned by authorities several years ago. I am also one of the founders of the Republican People’s Party of Kazakhstan.

Multiple allegations of “infringing the honor and dignity of President Nazarbayev and his family” were brought against my paper and me personally in the past. These attempts at intimidation made me leave my country.

I am grateful to your country for granting asylum to me and my family.

Far from my fatherland I continue my professional activities. I am concerned with the fate of my compatriots in the present political situation. Unfortunately the political situation in Kazakhstan does not provide me with any reasons for optimism. I write to you because of these alarming developments in Kazakhstan.

On July 20, 2001 I attended the Congressional hearings conducted in connection with your appointment as the US ambassador to Kazakhstan. Your vivid testimony impressed me very much. I was pleased by the new opportunity that your appointment meant to my country.

In your speech you were daring and open. Let me quote from your congressional testimony: “ …The United States will continue to support those in Kazakhstan who share our democratic values and intend to build a civil society…”

Your thorough knowledge of the situation in the country to which you were appointed as ambassador as well as your strong position on the issues which were raised by the US senators gave me an impression that the US policy toward the authoritarian regime of President Nazarbayev would radically change.

Your appointment brought great hopes for a more active American diplomacy in the region. There were hopes for the US promotion of democracy and freedom of millions of my compatriots. Given your previous experience in Romania some of my colleagues even hoped for a “Romanian scenario” for changes in Kazakhstan, that is the extrication of an authoritarian leader under the pressures of the international community and domestic democratic opposition.

Unfortunately our hopes did not come true. There were no positive changes in Kazakhstan in the last few years. In fact the situation deteriorated, people are facing more difficulties and dangers.

Evaluating the dynamics of the political process in Kazakhstan over the period of your ambassadorship I come to the conclusion that the extent of democratization in Kazakhstan has dramatically decreased. The international community is outraged by the regime’s prosecution of the leaders of the democratic opposition A. Kazhegeldin, M. Zhakiyanov, and G. Ablyazov and by the campaign aimed at eradicating any independent press, including the physical extermination of journalists. International organizations, which promote democratic development, have sent multiple protests to President Nazarbayev; still he ignores any criticism of his conduct.

It is hard to face it, but the present political regime in Kazakhstan is not only an authoritarian one with a constitution tailored to fit Nazarbayev’s needs, but it also encapsulates entrenched cynicism, hypocrisy, corruption, and betrayal of the people by the authorities.

The reference material “Washington’s politics in Central Asia” issued on November 26^th, 2002 by the US Department of State supports my point stating that Kazakhstan has one of the direst situations in respect to human rights and political freedoms.

The people of Kazakhstan are not blind. They do understand that they live in a potentially affluent country. They are puzzled by justified questions: Why do people live in poverty while government officials prosper? Why are respectable citizens persecuted for voicing popular claims? Where do the billions of dollars derived from the sales of oil, natural gas, and minerals end up?

Recently partial parliamentary elections were held in three electoral districts. Despite the strong criticism of established electoral practices by international organizations and the domestic public, these elections were again falsified.

The country is ruled by corrupted officials. Levels of unemployment and crime continue to rise. The nation undergoes physical degradation: male life expectancy in the western oblasts is only around 54 years. Villages are in decay. Thousands of farms are devastated. Public health, social security, and education systems are in decline.

The independent press virtually ceased to exist, the democratic opposition is oppressed and is driven into a corner, the lives of the imprisoned and incarcerated oppositional leaders – M. Ablyazov, G. Zhakiyanov, and S. Duvanov – are endangered.

I think that all of this should be an alarming sign for the United States!

In this situation people might lose any hope for legitimate expression of their interests and the extremist alternative, particularly Islamic fundamentalism, may gain popular support. Extremists may promise to free the country from the hated corrupted regime.

In addition, the high level of demoralization and hatred toward the regime increases the number of potential supporters for the slogan “Plunder the plunderers!”

My dear Mr. Ambassador! You have witnessed the purging of the political parties in Kazakhstan. Now only the parties supportive of the President Nazarbayev are permitted to exist. Pro-democratic parties, according to the new law on the political parties were abolished.

The iron hand of President Nazarbayev has disposed of the most prominent oppositional party – the Republican People’s Party of Kazakhstan. In 2003 the major force of the opposition – the social movement “Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan” was banned by the authorities.

What steps does the Embassy of the United States take in this situation?

Being in Washington, it is hard to judge the position of the Embassy. My colleagues in Kazakhstan believe that the Embassy and you personally make a big contribution to the development of democracy in the country: support the independent press, provide assistance to prominent cultural figures, keep contact with the regions, meet representatives of the opposition, and engage in a constant dialogue with the authorities on the issues of human rights and democracy.

Still this is not enough for preventing the large-scale persecution of the democratic opposition and independent press.

I understand that diplomacy is limited in its influence over the regime. Efforts on the part of the opposition are needed. And the opposition is not inactive; it makes sacrifices for the better future of the country. Still it is enormously restrained in its straggle against the repressive regime by the absence of the freedom of expression and association, fair elections, and independent courts.

Precisely for these reasons the active position of the United States acquires major importance. What is important is not only the work with the opposition and the authorities, but also your support for the large-scale program of promoting democracy in the countries of Central Asia.

I believe that the United States should reconsider its stance not only toward resource-reach Kazakhstan, but toward the whole Central Asian region. A new kind of relationship should be established, new solutions to the local problems should be sought, and the humanitarian and financial assistance should be more targeted.

These relations should include not only increasing cooperation on the issues of international security and antiterrorism, but more importantly, should prioritize the promotion of democracy and economic reforms, defense of human rights, support of the independent press, and establishment of political pluralism.

Undeniably, the issue of spurious democratization in Kazakhstan will continue to surface. Publications in major American newspapers urge the White House for more discretion in its policies toward dictatorial regimes. It might happen that Nazarbayev will become tomorrow’s Saddam Hussein.

In my opinion the failure to adequately assess the antidemocratic nature of Nazarbayev’s regime may become a costly long-term mistake of the Bush administration. It may be that that some responsibility for this mistake will be ascribed to you, Mr. Ambassador.

I share the opinion that one nation cannot impose democracy on another. But to help a young nation in it’s striving toward democracy is a sacred duty of the great democratic power such as the United States. When the democratic opposition of Kazakhstan is directly asking for help in promoting democracy, and the prominent American political and public figures condemn the corrupt and dictatorial regime of President Nazarbayev, the support for the values of democracy becomes an immediate task of the United States.

Your Excellency, Ambassador! This letter in no means questions the important role of the US Embassy in developing good relations between our countries. I believe that you do all you can. Still it is not enough.

Once again I want to draw your attention to the alarming situation in my country. I want to express my hopes that the US diplomatic mission will not be manipulated by the Kazakh authorities. I want to believe that democracy and human rights will invariably be the central component of the US national interest in promoting peace and stability in Central Asia.

Looking forward for your reply,
Sincerely,
Bigeldin Gabdullin

bigeldin@msn.com

Copy: Secretary of State Colin L. Powell
Washington, DC

Received via e-mail, January 22, 2003